By
Frank Cannon, Jeffrey Bell
In
early evening on June 18, the U.S. House of Representatives voted 228
to 196 for a nationwide ban on abortions after the first 20 weeks of
pregnancy. Though there is little chance the legislation will be
approved or even voted on in the Democratic Senate, and none that it
will be signed into law by President Obama, the June 18 vote has the
potential to trigger the most dramatic shift in the abortion debate
since the first election of a proabortion president back in 1992. In
stark contrast to the recent liberal theme of attack on the “extreme”
pro-life willingness to protect pregnancies caused by of rape and
incest, from now on an unavoidable topic in elections of the future will
be the extreme implications of the Left’s untiring advocacy of abortion
on demand.
The House’s vote underlines the extent to which the
abortion debate has become polarized along party lines. Republican
representatives voted 222 to 6 for the late-term ban, Democrats 190 to 6
against it. Many Democrats who represent socially conservative
heartland districts felt compelled by some combination of party loyalty
and ideological purity to cast this vote. Now, facing independent
advertising expenditures being prepared by several pro-life and
social-conservative groups, they will find themselves asked to explain
why they favor a right to abort viable babies — including in the ninth
month of pregnancy — in Gosnell-like surroundings. Judging from attempts
within the last few days at such explanations by Minority Leader Nancy
Pelosi and Colorado representative Diana DeGette, co-chair of the House
Pro-Choice Caucus, even the most sophisticated pro-abortion Democrats
are utterly unprepared to answer such questions.
The vote was the first time since Roe v. Wade
that either house of congress has voted on a national
late-term-abortion ban, yet days before the vote there was no certainty
it would happen. Its last-minute metamorphosis from a much narrower bill
is reflected in its formal title, “District of Columbia Pain-Capable
Unborn Child Protection Act.” It had been opposed at various points by
the House GOP leadership and elements of the pro-life movement, and it
went on the calendar with just a few days’ notice. Many pro-lifers,
inspired by the Gosnell case and other abortion-clinic scandals, were
eager to prepare for the vote with extensive congressional hearings.
Desirable as such hearings were and are in the larger battle for public
opinion, the unexpected nature of the issue’s arrival on the House floor
caught many Democrats flatfooted, with zero ability to minimize or
obfuscate the starkness of their vote to permit the killing of viable
babies.
The one thing certain about social issues is their
unpredictability. In this latest surprise a social-conservative movement
that has been on the defensive — with elite opinion universally
declaring its irrelevance and some in the Republican establishment
calling for the removal of these issues from the party’s self-definition
— has suddenly been presented with a recorded vote that could put its
foes in the position of defending a practice that most American voters
find indefensible.
No comments:
Post a Comment