Music to read by:
"I can remember
Standing
By the wall
And the guns
Shot above our heads
And we kissed
As though nothing
could fall
And the shame
Was on the other side
Oh we can beat them
For ever and ever.
Then we could be heroes just for one day."
"The
state has undergone a process of' socialisation, and Social Democracy has
undergone a process of nationalisation. In
Prussia, there existed a real state in the most ambitious meaning of the
word. There could be, strictly speaking, no private persons.
Everybody, who lived within the system that worked with the precision of a
clockwork, was in some way a link in it. The conduct of public business could
therefore not be in the hands of private people. It is
simply collectivism freed from all traces of an individualist tradition, which
might hamper its realisation."
By Friedrich
A. Hayek
It is a common mistake to
regard National Socialism as a mere revolt against reason, an irrational
movement without intellectual background. If that were so, the movement
would be much less dangerous than it is. But nothing could be further
from the truth or more misleading. The doctrines of National Socialism are the
culmination of a long evolution of thought, a process in which thinkers have
had great influence far beyond the confines of Germany have taken part.
Whatever one may think of the premises from which they started, it cannot be
denied that the men who produced the new doctrines were powerful writers who
left the impress of their ideas on the whole of European thought. Their
system was developed with ruthless consistency. Once one accepts the
premises from which it starts, there is no escape from its logic. It is
simply collectivism freed from all traces of an individualist tradition which
might hamper its realization.
Though in this development German
thinkers have taken the lead, they were by no means alone. Thomas Carlyle
and Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Auguste Comte and Georges Sorel, are as much a
part of that continuous development as any Germans. The development of
this strand of thought within Germany has been well traced recently by R.
D. Butler in his study of The Roots of National Socialism. But, although
its persistence there through a hundred and fifty years in almost unchanged and
ever recurring form, which emerges from that study, is rather frightening, it
is easy to exaggerate the importance these ideas had in Germany before
1914. They were only one strand of thought among a people then perhaps
more varied in its views than any other. And they were on the whole
represented by a small minority and held in as great contempt by the majority
of' Germans as they were in other countries.
What, then, caused these views held
by a reactionary minority finally to gain the support of' the great majority of
Germans and practically the whole of Germany's youth? It was not merely
the defeat, the suffering, and the wave of nationalism which led to their
success. Still less was the cause, as so many people wish to believe, a
capitalist reaction against the advance of socialism. On the contrary,
the support which brought these ideas to power came precisely from the
socialist camp. It was certainly not through the bourgeoisie, but rather
through the absence of a strong bourgeoisie, that they were helped to
power. The doctrines which had guided the ruling elements in Germany for
the past generation were opposed not to the socialism in Marxism but to the
liberal elements contained in it, its internationalism and its
democracy. And as it became increasingly clear that it was just these
elements which formed obstacles to the realization of socialism, the socialists
of the Left approached more and more to those of the Right. It was the
union of the anticapitalist forces of the Right and of the Left, the fusion of
radical and conservative socialism, which drove out from Germany everything that
was liberal.
The connection between socialism and
nationalism in Germany was close from the beginning. It is significant
that the most important ancestors of National Socialism-Fichte, Robertus, and
Lassalle-are at the same time acknowledged fathers of socialism. While
theoretical socialism in its Marxist form was directing the German labor
movement, the authoritarian and nationalist element receded for a time into the
background. But not for long. From 1914 onward there arose from the
ranks of Marxist socialism one teacher after another who led, not the
conservatives and reactionaries, but the hard-working laborer and idealistic
youth into the National Socialist fold. It was only thereafter that the
tide of nationalist socialism attained major importance and rapidly grew into
the Hitlerian doctrine. The war hysteria of 1914, which, just because of
the German defeat, was never fully cured, is the beginning of the modern
development which produced National Socialism, and it was largely with the assistance
of old socialists that it rose during this period.
- Time Magazine, 2 January 1939
"Most cruel joke of all, however, has been played by Hitler & Co. on
those German capitalists and small businessmen who once backed National
Socialism as a means of saving Germany's bourgeois economic structure
from radicalism. The Nazi credo that the individual belongs to the state
also applies to business. Some businesses have been confiscated
outright, on other what amounts to a capital tax has been levied.
Profits have been strictly controlled. Some idea of the increasing
Governmental control and interference in business could be deduced from
the fact that 80% of all building and 50% of all industrial orders in
Germany originated last year with the Government. Hard-pressed for food-
stuffs as well as funds, the Nazi regime has taken over large estates
and in many instances collectivized agriculture, a procedure
fundamentally similar to Russian Communism."
- Time Magazine, 2 January 1939
Perhaps the first, and in some ways the most characteristic, representative of this development is the late Professor Werner Sombart, whose notorious Handler und Helden (“Merchants.and Heroes") appeared in 1915. Sombart had begun as a Marxian socialist and, as late as 1909, could assert with pride that he had devoted the greater part of his life to fighting for the ideas of Karl Marx. He had done as much any man to spread socialist ideas and anticapitalist resentment of varying shades throughout Germany; and if German thought became penetrated with Marxian elements in a way that was true of no other country until the Russian revolution, this was in a large measure due to Sombart. At one time he was regarded as the outstanding representative of the persecuted socialist intelligentsia, unable, because of his radical views, to obtain a university chair. And even after the last war the influence, inside and outside Germany, of his work as a historian, which remained Marxist in approach after he had ceased to be a Marxist in politics, was most extensive and is particularly noticeable in the works of many of the English and American planners.
In his war book this old socialist
welcomed the "German War" as the inevitable conflict between the
commercial civilization of England and the heroic culture of Germany. His
contempt for the "commercial" views of the English people, who had
lost all warlike instincts, is unlimited. Nothing is more
contemptible in his eyes than the universal striving after the happiness of the
individual; and what he describes as the leading maxim of English morals: be
just "that it may be well with that it may be well with thee and that thou
mayest prolong thy days upon the land" is to him "the most infamous
maxim which has ever been pronounced by a commercial mind." The
"German idea of the state," as formulated by Fichte, Lassalle, and
Rodbertis, is that the state is neither founded nor formed by individuals,
nor an aggregate of individuals, nor is its purpose to serve any interest of
individuals. It is a Volksgemeinschaft in which the individual has no
rights but only duties. Claims of the individual are always an outcome
of the commercial spirit. "'The ideas of 1789"-liberty,
equality, fraternity-are characteristically commercial ideas which have no
other purpose but to secure certain advantages to individuals.
"I
see in unrestrained capitalism the evil of our epoch and am naturally
also an opponent of modern Judaism on account of my socio-political
views.”
- Adolf Stocker, Socialist
“If we are socialists, then we must definitely be anti-Semites. How, as a socialist, can you not be an anti-Semite?”
- Adolf Hitler, Munich, August 1920
"Auschwitz
meant that six million Jews were killed, and thrown on the waste-heap
of Europe, for what they were considered: money-Jews. Finance capital
and the banks, the hard core of the system of imperialism and
capitalism, had turned the hatred of men against money and
exploitation, and against the Jews. . . . Antisemitism is really a
hatred of capitalism."
- Ulrike Meinhof, a left-wing German terrorist of the 1970s
Before 1914 all the true German ideals of a heroic life were in deadly danger before the continuous advance of English commercial ideals, English comfort, and English sport. The English people had not only themselves become compl etely corrupted, every trade-unionist being sunk in the morass of comfort," but they had begun to infect all other peoples. Only the war had helped the Germans to remember that they were really a people of' warriors, a people among whom all activities and particularly all economic activities were subordinated to military ends. Sombart knew that the Germans were held in contempt by other people because they regard war as sacred-but he glories in it. To regard war as inhuman and senseless is a product of commercial views. There is a life higher than the individual life, the life of the people and the life of the state, and it is the purpose of the individual to sacrifice himself for that higher life. War is to Sombart the consummation of the heroic view of life, and the war against England is the war against the opposite ideal, the commercial ideal of individual freedom and of English comfort, which in his eyes finds its most contemptible expression in the safety razors found in the English trenches.
If Sombart's outburst was at
the time too much even for most Germans, another German professor arrived at
essentially the same ideas in a more moderate and more scholarly, but for that
reason even more effective, form. Professor Johann Plenge was as great an
authority on Marx as Sombert. His book on Marx und Hegel marks the beginning of
the modern Hegel renaissance among Marxian scholars; and there can be no doubt
about the genuinely socialist nature of the convictions with which he
started. Among his numerous war publications the most important is a
small but at the time widely discussed book with the significant title, 1789
and 1914: The Symbolic Years in the History of the Political Mind. It is
devoted to the conflict between the "Ideas of 1789," the ideal of
freedom, and the "Ideas of 1914," the ideal of organization.
Organization is to him, as to all
socialists who derive their socialism from a crude application of scientific
ideals to the problems of society, the essence of socialism. It was, as
he rightly emphasizes, the root of the socialist movement at its inception in
early nineteenth-century France. Marx and Marxism have betrayed this
basic idea of socialism by their fanatic but utopian adherence to the abstract
idea of freedom. Only now was the idea of organization again coming into
its own, elsewhere, as witnessed by the work of H. G Wells (by whose Future in
America Professor Plenge was profoundly influenced, and whom he describes as
one of the outstanding figures of modern socialism), but particularly in
Germany, where it is best understood and most fully realized. The
war between England and Germany is therefore really a conflict between two
opposite principles. The "Economic World War" is the third
great epoch of spiritual struggle in modern history. It is of equal
importance with the Reformation and the bourgeois revolution of liberty.
It is the struggle for the victory of the new forces born out of the advanced
economic life of the nineteenth century: socialism and organization.
"Because in the sphere of ideas
Germany was the most convinced exponent of all socialist dreams, and in the
sphere of reality she was the most powerful architect of the most highly
organized economic system.-In us is the twentieth century. However the
war may end, we are the exemplary people. Our ideas will determine the
aims of the life of humanity.-World History experiences at present the colossal
spectacle that with us a new great ideal of life penetrates to final victory,
while at the same time in England one of the World-Historical principles
finally collapses."
The war economy created in Germany
in 1914 "is the first realization of a socialist society and its spirit
the first active, and not merely demanding, appearance of a socialist
spirit. The needs of the war have established the socialist idea in
German economic life, and thus the defense of our nation produced for humanity
the idea of 1914, the idea of German organization, the people's community
(Volksgemeinschaft) of 'national socialism.... Without our really noticing
it the whole of our political life in state and industry has risen to a
higher stage. State and economic life form a new unity... The feeling of
economic responsibility which characterizes the work of the civil servant
pervades all private activity." The new German corporative constitution of
economic life, which Professor Plenge admits is not yet ripe or complete,
"is the highest form of life of the state which has ever been known on
earth."
"What
is the worldly religion of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God?
Money.…. Money is the jealous god of Israel, in face of which no other god may
exist. Money degrades all the gods of man – and turns them into commodities….
The bill of exchange is the real god of the Jew. His god is only an illusory
bill of exchange…. The chimerical nationality of the Jew is the nationality of
the merchant, of the man of money in general."
- Karl Marx, "On the
Jewish Question," 1844
"The
Jewish nigger, Lassalle, who, I’m glad to say, is leaving at the end of this
week, has happily lost another 5,000 talers in an ill-judged speculation. The
chap would sooner throw money down the drain than lend it to a ‘friend’, even
though his interest and capital were guaranteed. In this, he bases himself on
the view that he ought to live the life of a Jewish baron, or Jew created a
baron (no doubt by the countess). Just imagine!"
- Frederich Engels letter to W.
Borgius
"Slavs have no capacity
to attain civilisation."
- Karl Marx, 15-16 February 1949
"For
us, economic conditions determine all historical phenomena, but race itself is
an economic datum."
- Karl Marx
At first Professor Plenge still
hoped to reconcile the ideal of liberty and the ideal of organization, although
largely through the complete but voluntary submission of the individual to the
whole. But these traces of liberal ideas soon disappear from his
writings. By 1918 the union between socialism and ruthless power politics
had become complete in his mind. Shortly before the end of the war he
exhorted his compatriots in the socialist journal Die Glocke in the following
manner: "It is high time to recognize the fact that socialism must
be power policy, because it is to be organization. Socialism has to win
power: it must never blindly destroy power. And the most important and
critical question for socialism in the time of war of peoples is necessarily
this: what people is preeminently summoned to power, because it is the
exemplary leader in the organization of peoples?"
And he forecast all the ideas which
were finally to justify Hitler's New Order: "Just from the point of view
of socialism, which, is organization, is not an absolute right of
self-determination of the peoples the right of individualistic economic
anarchy? Are we willing to grant complete self-determination to the
individual in economic life? Consistent socialism can accord to the
people a right to incorporation only in accordance with the real distribution
of forces historically determined."
The ideals which Plenge expressed so
clearly were especially popular among, and perhaps even derive from, certain
circles of German scientists and engineers who, precisely as is now so loudly
demanded by their English and American counterparts, clamored for the centrally
planned organization of' all aspects of life. Leading among these was the
famous chemist Wilhelm Ostwald, one of whose pronouncements on this point has
achieved a certain celebrity. He is reported to have stated publicly that
"Germany wants to organize Europe which up to now still lacks organization.
I will explain to you now Germany's great secret: we, or perhaps the German
race, have discovered the significance of organization. While the
other nations still live under the regime of individualism, we have already
achieved that of organization."
"Lenin is the greatest man, second only to Hitler, and that the difference between Communism and the Hitler faith is very slight."
- Josef Goebbels, The New York Times, 28 November 1925
Ideas very similar to these were
current in the offices of the German raw-material dictator, Walter Rathenau,
who, although he would have shuddered had he realized the consequences of
his totalitarian economics, yet deserves a considerable place in any fuller history
of the growth of Nazi ideas. Through his writings he has probably, more than
any other man, determined the economic views of the generation which grew
up in Germany during and immediately after the last war; and some of his
closest collaborators were later to form the backbone of the staff of Goring's
Five-Year Plan administration. Very similar also was much of the teaching
of another former Marxist, Friedrich Naumann, whose Mitteleuropa reached
probably the greatest circulation of any war book in Germany.
But it was left to an active
socialist politician, a member of the Left wing of the social-democratic
party in the Reichstag, to develop these ideas most fully and to spread them
far and wide. Paul Lensch had already in earlier books described the war
as "the flight of the English bourgeoisie before the advance of
socialism" and explained how different were the socialist ideal of freedom
and the English conception. But only in his third and most successful war
book, his Three Years of World Revolution, were his characteristic ideas,
under the influence of Plenge, to achieve full development. Lensch bases
his argument on an interesting and in many respects accurate historical account
of how the adoption of protection by Bismarck had made possible in Germany a
development toward that industrial concentration and cartelization which, from
his Marxist standpoint, represented a higher state of industrial development.
"The result of Bismarck's
decision of the year 1879 was that Germany took on the role of the
revolutionary; that is to say, of a state whose position in relation to the
rest of the world is that of'a representative of a higher and more advanced
economic system. Having realized this, we should perceive that in the
present World Revolution Germany represents the revolutionary, and her greatest
antagonist, England, the counter-revolutionary side. This fact proves how
little the constitution of a country, whether it be liberal and republican or
monarchic and autocratic, affects the question whether, from the point of view
of historical development, that country is to be regarded as liberal or
not. Or, to put it more plainly, our conceptions of Liberalism,
Democracy, and so forth, are derived from the ideas of English Individualism,
according to which a state with a weak government is a liberal state, and every
restriction upon the freedom of the individual is conceived as the
product of autocracy and militarism."
In Germany, the "historically
appointed representative" of this higher form of economic life, "the
struggle for socialism has been extraordinarily simplified, since all the
prerequisite conditions of Socialism had already become established
there. And lietice it was necessarily a vital concern of any socialist
party that Germany should triumphantly hold her own against her enemies, and
thereby be able to fulfil her historic mission of revolutionizing the
world. Hence the war of the Entente against Germany resembled the attempt
of the lower bourgeoisie of the pre-capitalistic age to prevent the decline of
their own class."
That organization of capital, Lensch
continues, "which began unconsciously before the war, and which during the
war has been continued consciously, will be systematically continued after the
war. Not through any desire for any arts of organization nor yet because
socialism has been recognized as a higher principle of social
development. The classes who are today the practical pioneers of
socialism are, in theory, its avowed opponents, or, at any rate, were so
up to a short time ago. Socialism is coming, and in fact has to some
extent already arrived, since we can no longer live without it."
"Apart from the Poles and the Russians, and perhaps the Slavs
of Turkey, no Slavic nation has a future, since all the other Slavs lack the
historical, geographical, political and industrial bases that are necessary for
independence and survival. Countries
that have never had their own history, that have hardly achieved the lowest
level of civilization....cannot survive and can never achieve the slightest
autonomy."
- Karl Marx, 15-16 February 1949
The only people who still
oppose this tendency are the liberals. "This class of people, who
unconsciously reason from English standards, comprises the whole educated
German bourgeoisie. Their political notions of 'freedom' and 'civic
right,' of constitutionalism and parliamentarianism, are derived from that
individualistic conception of the world, of which English Liberalism is a
classical embodiment, and which was adopted, by the spokesmen of the German
bourgeoisie in the fifties, sixties, and seventies of the nineteenth
century. But these standards are old-fashioned and shattered, ,just as
old fashioned English Liberalism has been shattered by this war. What has
to be done now is to get rid of these inherited political ideas and to assist
the growth of' a new conception of State and and Society. In this sphere
also Socialism must present a conscious and determined opposition to
individualism. In this connection it is an astonishing fact that, in the
so-called 'reactionary' Germany, the working classes have won for themselves a
much more solid and powerful position in the life of the state than is the case
either in England or in France."
Lensch follows this up with a
consideration which again contains much truth and which deserves to be
pondered: "Since the Social Democrats, by the aid of this
(universal] Suffrage, occupied every post which they could obtain in the
Reichstag, the State Parliament, the municipal councils, the courts for the
settlement of trade disputes, the sick funds, and so forth, they penetrated
very deeply into the organism of the state; but the price which they had to pay
for this was that the state, in its turn, exercised a profound influence upon
the working classes. To be sure, as the result of strenuous socialistic
labors for fifty years, the state is no longer the same as it,was in the year
1867, when universal suffrage first came into operation; but then, Social
Democracy, in its turn, is no longer the same as it was at the time. The
state has undergone a process of' socialization, and Social Democracy has
undergone a process of nationalization."
Plenge and Lensch in turn have
provided the leading ideas for the immediate masters of National Socialism,
particularly Oswald Spengler and Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, to mention only
the two best-known names. Opinions may differ in how far the former can be
regarded as a socialist. But that in his tract on Prussianism and
Socialism, which appeared in 1920, he merely gave expression to ideas widely
held by German socialists will now be evident. A few specimens of
his argument will suffice. "Old Prussian spirit and socialist
conviction, which today hate each other with the hatred of brothers, are one
and the same." The representatives of Western civilization in Germany, the
German liberals, are "the invisible English army which after the battle of
Jena, Napoleon left behind on German soil” To Spengler, men like
Hardenberg and Humboldt and all the other liberal reformers were
"English." But this "English" spirit will be turned out. by
the German revolution which began in 1914.
“The three last nations of' the
Occident have aimed at three forms of existence, represented by famous
watchwords: Freedom, Equality, Community. They appear in the political
forms of liberal Parliamentarianism, social Democracy, and authoritarian
socialism. ... The German, more correctly, Prussian, instinct is: the power
belongs to the whole.... Everyone is given his place. One commands or
obeys. This is, since the eighteenth century, authoritarian socialism,
essentially illiberal and antidemocratic, in so far as English Liberalism and
French Democracy are meant... There are in Germany many hated and
ill-reputed contrasts, but liberalism alone is contemptible on German
soil. "The structure of the English nation is based on the distinction
between rich and poor, that of the Prussian on that between command and obedience.
The meaning of class distinction is accordingly fundamentally different in the
two countries." After pointing out the essential difference between
the English competitive system and the Prussian system of "economic
administration" and after showing (consciously following Lensch) how since
Bismarck the deliberate organization of economic activity had
progressively assumed more socialist forms, Spengler continues: "In
Prussia there existed a real state in the most ambitious meaning of the
word. There could be, strictly speaking, no private persons.
Everybody who lived within the system that worked with the precision of a
clockwork, was in some way a link in it. The conduct of public business could
therefore not be in the hands of private people, as is supposed by
Parliamentarianism. It was an Amt and the responsible politician was a
civil servant, a servant of'the whole."
The "Prussian ideal, requires
that everybody should become a state official-that all wages and salaries be
fixed by the state. The administration of all property, in particular,
becomes a salaried function. The state of the future will be a
Beamtenstaat. But "the decisive question not only for Germany, but
for the world, which must be solved by Germany for the world is: Is in the
future trade to govern the state, or the state to govern trade? In the
face of this question Prussianism and Socialism are the same. . . . Prussianism
and Socialism combat the England in our midst."
It was only a step from this for the
patron saint of National Socialism, Moeller van den Bruck, to proclaim World
War I a war between liberalism and socialism: "We have lost the war
against the West. Socialism has lost it against Liberalism. As with
Spengler, liberalism is, therefore, the arch enemy. Moeller van den Bruck
glories in the fact that "there are no liberals in Germany today; there
are young revolutionaries: there are young conservatives. But who would
be a liberal? ... Liberalism is a philosophy of life from which German
youth now turns with nausea, with wrath, with quite peculiar scorn, for there
is none more foreign, more repugnant, more opposed to its philosophy.
German youth today recognizes the liberal as the archenemy." Moeller van
den Bruck’s Third Reich was intended to give the Germans a socialism
adapted to their nature and undefiled by Western liberal ideas. And so it
did.
These writers were by no means
isolated phenomena. As early as 1922 a detached observer could speak of a
"peculiar and, on a first glance, surprising phenomenon" then to be
observed in Germany: "The fight against the capitalistic order, according
to this view, is a continuation of the war against the Entente with the weapons
of the spirit and of economic organization, the way which leads to practical
socialism, a return of the German people to their best and noblest traditions.
Fight against liberalism in all its
forms, liberalism that had defeated Germany, was the common idea which united
socialists and conservatives in one common front. At first it was mainly
in the German Youth Movement, almost entirely socialist in inspiration and
outlook, where these ideas were most readily accepted and the fusion of
socialism and nationalism completed. In the later twenties and until the
advent to power of Hitler a circle of young men gathered round the journal Die
Tat and, led by Ferdinand Fried, became the chief exponent of this tradition in
the intellectual sphere. Fried's Ende des Kapitalismus is perhaps the
most characteristic product of this group of Edelnazis, as they were known in
Germany, and is particularly disquieting because of its resemblance to so much
of the literature which we see in England and the United States today, where we
can watch the same drawing-together of the socialists of the Left and the Right
and nearly the same contempt of all that is liberal in the old sense.
"Conservative Socialism" (and, in other circles,
"Religious Socialism") was the slogan under which a large number of
writers prepared the atmosphere in which "National Socialism"
succeeded. it is "conservative socialism" which is the dominant trend
among us now. Had the war against the Western powers "with the
weapons and spirit of economic organization " not almost succeeded before
the real war began?
Hayek, F. A. The Road to
Serfdom. University of Chicago Press, 1944 pp 183-198
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Heroes Lyrics
I, I wish you could swim
Like the dolphins
Like dolphins can swim
Though nothing, nothing will keep us together
We can beat them, forever and ever
Oh, we can be heroes just for one day
I, I will be King
And you, you will be Queen
Though nothing will drive them away
We can be heroes just for one day
We can be us just for one day
I, I can remember
(I remember)
Standing by the wall
(By the wall)
And the guns, shot above our heads
(Over our heads)
And we kissed, as though nothing could fall
(Nothing could fall)
And the shame, was on the other side
Oh, we can beat them, forever and ever
Then we could be heroes just for one day
We can be heroes
We can be heroes
We can be heroes just for one day
We can be heroes
Like the dolphins
Like dolphins can swim
Though nothing, nothing will keep us together
We can beat them, forever and ever
Oh, we can be heroes just for one day
I, I will be King
And you, you will be Queen
Though nothing will drive them away
We can be heroes just for one day
We can be us just for one day
I, I can remember
(I remember)
Standing by the wall
(By the wall)
And the guns, shot above our heads
(Over our heads)
And we kissed, as though nothing could fall
(Nothing could fall)
And the shame, was on the other side
Oh, we can beat them, forever and ever
Then we could be heroes just for one day
We can be heroes
We can be heroes
We can be heroes just for one day
We can be heroes
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