World War I as Fulfillment: Power and the Intellectuals - Notes

Notes

[1] The title of this paper is borrowed from the pioneering last chapter of James Weinstein's excellent work, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900–1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968). The last chapter is entitled, "War as Fulfillment."

[2] Robert Higgs, Crisis And Leviathan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 123–158. For my own account of the collectivized war economy of World War I, see Murray N. Rothbard, "War Collectivism in World War I," in R. Radosh and M. Rothbard. eds., A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the American Corporate State (New York: Dutton. 1972), pp. 66–110.

[3] F.A. Hayek, "The Intellectuals and Socialism," in Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 178ff.

[4] On the conscription movement, see in particular Michael Pearlman, To Make Democracy Safe for America: Patricians and Preparedness in the Progressive Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984). See also John W. Chambers II, "Conscripting for Colossus: The Adoption of the Draft in the United States in World War I," PhD diss., Columbia University. 1973; John Patrick Finnegan, Against the Specter of a Dragon: the Campaign for American Military Preparedness, 1914–1917 (Westport, Conn. Greenwood Press, 1974); and John Gany Clifford, The Citizen Soldiers: The Plattsburg Training Camp Movement (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1972).

[5] On ministers and the war, see Ray H. Abrams, Preachers Present Arms (New York: Round Table Press, 1933). On the mobilization of science, see David F. Noble, America By Design: Science, Technology and the Rise of Corporate Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), and Ronald C. Tobey, The American Ideology of National Science, 1919–1930 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971).

[6] Cited in Gerald Edward Markowitz, "Progressive Imperialism: Consensus and Conflict in the Progressive Movement on Foreign Policy, 1898–1917." PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, 1971, p. 375, an unfortunately neglected work on a highly important topic.

[7] Hence the famous imprecation hurled at the end of the 1884 campaign that brought the Democrats into the presidency for the first time since the Civil War, that the Democratic Party was the party of "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion." In that one phrase, the New York Protestant minister was able to sum up the political concerns of the pietist movement.

[8] For an introduction to the growing literature of "ethnoreligious" political history in the United States, see Paul Kleppner, The Cross of Culture (New York: the Free Press, 1970); and idem, The Third Electoral System, 1853–1892 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1979). For the latest research on the formation of the Republican Party as a pietist party, reflecting the interconnected triad of pietist concerns – antislavery, prohibition, and anti-Catholicism – see William E. Gienapp, "Nativism and the Creation of a Republican Majority in the North before the Civil War," Journal of American History 72 (December 1985): 529–559.

[9] German Lutherans were largely "high" or liturgical and confessional Lutherans who placed emphasis on the Church and its creed or sacraments rather than on a pietist, "born-again" emotional conversion experience. Scandinavian-Americans, on the other hand, were mainly pietist Lutherans.

[10] Orthodox Augustinian Christianity, as followed by the liturgicals, is "a-millennialist," i.e., it believes that the "millennium" is simply a metaphor for the emergence of the Christian Church and that Jesus will return without human aid and at his own unspecified time. Modern "fundamentalists," as they have been called since the early years of the twentieth century, are "premillennialists," i.e., they believe that Jesus will return to usher in a thousand years of the Kingdom of God on Earth, a time marked by various "tribulations" and by Armageddon, until history is finally ended. Premillennialists, or "millennarians," do not have the statist drive of the postmillennialists; instead, they tend to focus on predictions and signs of Armageddon and of Jesus' advent.

[11] James H. Timberlake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900–1920 (New York: Atheneum, 1970), pp. 7–8.

[12] Quoted in Timberlake, Prohibition, p. 33.

[13] The Progressive Party convention was a mighty fusion of all the major trends in the progressive movement: statist economists, technocrats, social engineers, social workers, professional pietists, and partners of J.P. Morgan & Co. Social Gospel leaders Lyman Abbon, the Rev. R. Heber Newton and the Rev. Washington Gladden, were leading Progressive Party delegates. The Progressive Party proclaimed itself as the "recrudescence of the religious spirit in American political life." Theodore Roosevelt's acceptance speech was significantly entitled "A Confession of Faith," and his words were punctuated by "amens" and by a continual singing of pietist Christian hymns by the assembled delegates. They sang "Onward Christian Soldiers," "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," and especially the revivalist hymn, "Follow, Follow, We Will Follow Jesus," with the word "Roosevelt" replacing "Jesus" at every turn. The horrified New York Times summed up the unusual experience by calling the Progressive grouping "a convention of fanatics." And it added, "It was not a convention at all. It was an assemblage of religious enthusiasts. It was such a convention as Peter the Hermit held. It was a Methodist camp following done over into political terms." Cited in John Allen Gable, The Bull Moose Years: Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Party (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1978), p. 75.

[14] Timberlake, Prohibition, p. 24.

[15] Quoted in Timberlake, Prohibition, p. 27. Italics in the article. Or, as the Rev. Stelzle put it, in Why Prohibition!, "There is no such thing as an absolute individual right to do any particular thing, or to eat or drink any particular thing, or to enjoy the association of one's own family, or even to live, if that thing is in conflict with the law of public necessity." Quoted in David E. Kyvig, Repealing National Prohibition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), p. 9.

[16] Timberlake, Prohibition, pp. 37–38.

[17] See David Burner, Herbert Hoover: A Public Life (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 107.

[18] James A. Burran, "Prohibition in New Mexico, 1917." New Mexico Historical Quarterly 48 (April 1973): 140–141. Mrs. Lindsey of course showed no concern whatever for the German, allied, and neutral countries of Europe being subjected to starvation by the British naval blockade. The only areas of New Mexico that resisted the prohibition crusade in the referendum in the November 1917 elections were the heavily Hispanic-Catholic districts.

[19] Timberlake, Prohibition, p. 179.

[20] Quoted in Timberlake, Prohibition, pp. 180–181.

[21] Quoted in Alan P. Grimes, The Puritan Ethic and Woman Suffrage (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 78.

[22] Grimes, Puritan Ethic, p. 116.

[23] Ida Clyde Clarke, American Women and the World War (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1918), p. 19.

[24] Clarke, American Women, p. 27.

[25] Ibid., p. 31. Actually Mrs. Tarbell's muckraking activities were pretty much confined to Rockefeller and Standard Oil. She was highly favorable to business leaders in the Morgan ambit, as witness her laudatory biographies of Judge Elbert H. Gary, of US Steel (1925) and Owen D. Young of General Electric (1932).

[26] Ibid., p. 277, pp. 275–279, p. 58.

[27] Ibid., p. 183.

[28] Ibid., p. 103.

[29] Ibid., pp. 104–105.

[30] Ibid., p. 101.

[31] Ibid., p. 129. Margaret Dreier Robins and her husband Raymond were virtually a paradigmatic progressive couple. Raymond was a Florida-born wanderer and successful gold prospector who underwent a mystical conversion experience in the Alaska wilds and became a pietist preacher. He moved to Chicago, where he became a leader in Chicago settlement house work and municipal reform. Margaret Dreier and her sister Mary were daughters of a wealthy and socially prominent New York family who worked for and financed the emergent National Women's Trade Union League. Margaret married Raymond Robins in 1905 and moved to Chicago, soon becoming longtime president of the league. In Chicago, the Robinses led and organized progressive political causes for over two decades, becoming top leaders of the Progressive Party from 1912 to 1916. During the war, Raymond Robins engaged in considerable diplomatic activity as head of a Red Cross mission to Russia. On the Robinses, see Allen F. Davis, Spearhead for Reform: the Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967).

[32] For more on women's war work and woman suffrage, see the standard history of the suffrage movement, Eleanor Flexner, Century of Struggle: The Woman's Rights Movement in the United States (New York: Atheneum, 1968), pp. 288–289. Interestingly, The National War Labor Board (NWLB) frankly adopted the concept of "equal pay for equal work in order to limit the employment of women workers by imposing higher costs on the employer. The "only check," affirmed the NWLB, on excessive employment of women "is to make it no more profitable to employ women than men." Quoted in Valerie I. Conner, "'The Mothers of the Race' in World War I: The National War Labor Board and Women in Industry," Labor History 21 (Winter 1979–80): 34.

[33] See Raymond B. Fosdick, Chronicle of a Generation: An Autobiography (New York: Harper & Bros., 1958), p. 133. Also see Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty (New York: New American Library, 1976), pp. 103–105. Fosdick was particularly appalled that American patrolmen on street duty actually smoked cigars! Fosdick, Chronicle, p. 135.

[34] The American Social Hygiene Association, with its influential journal Social Hygiene, was the major organization in what was known as the "purity crusade." The association was launched when the New York physician Dr. Prince A. Marrow, inspired by the agitation against venereal disease and in favor of the continence urged by the French syphilographer, Jean-Alfred Fournier, formed in 1905 the American Society for Sanitary and Moral Prophylaxis (ASSMP). Soon, the terms proposed by the Chicago branch of ASSMP, "social hygiene" and "sex hygiene," became widely used for their medical and scientific patina, and in 1910 ASSMP changed its name to the American Federation for Sex Hygiene (AFSH). Finally, in late 1913, AFSH, an organization of physicians, combined with the National Vigilance Association (formerly the American Purity Alliance), a group of clergymen and social workers, to form the all-embracing American Social Hygiene Association (ASHA).

In this social hygiene movement, the moral and medical went hand in hand. Thus Dr. Morrow welcomed the new knowledge about venereal disease because it demonstrated that "punishment for sexual sin" no longer had to be "reserved for the hereafter."

The first president of ASHA was the president of Harvard University, Charles W. Eliot. In his address to the first meeting, Eliot made clear that total abstinence from alcohol, tobacco, and even spices was part and parcel of the anti-prostitution and purity crusade.

On physicians, the purity crusade, and the formation of ASHA, see Ronald Hamowy, "Medicine and the Crimination of Sin: 'Self-Abuse' in 19th Century America," The Journal of Libertarian Studies I (Summer 1972): 247–259; James Wunsch, "Prostitution and Public Policy: From Regulation to Suppression, 1858–1920," PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1976; and Roland R. Wagner, "Virtue Against Vice: A Study of Moral Reformers and Prostitution in the Progressive Era," PhD diss., University of Wisconsin, 1971. On Morrow, also see John C. Burnham. "The Progressive Era Revolution in American Attitudes Toward Sex," Journal of American History 59 (March 1973) 899, and Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge Harvard University Press, 1978), p 201. Also see Burnham, "Medical Specialists and Movements Toward Social Control in the Progressive Era: Three Examples," in J. Israel, ed., Building the Organizational Society: Essays in Associational Activities in Modem America (New York: Free Press, 1972), pp. 24–26.

[35] In Daniel R. Beaver, Newton D. Baker and the American War Effort 1917–1919 (Lincoln, Nebr.: University of Nebraska Press, 1966), p. 222. Also see ibid., pp. 221–224; and C.H. Cramer, Newton D. Baker: A Biography (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., l96l), pp. 99–102.

[36] Fosdick, Chronicle, pp. 145–147. While prostitution was indeed banned in Storyville after 1917, Storyville, contrary to legend, never "closed" – the saloons and dance halls remained open, and contrary to orthodox accounts, jazz was never really shut down in Storyville or New Orleans, and it was therefore never forced up river. Also, on later Storyville, see Boyer, Urban Masses, p. 218.

[37] See Hamowy, "Crimination of Sin," p. 226 n. The quote from Clemenceau is in Fosdick, Chronicle, p. 171. Newton Baker's loyal biographer declared that Clemenceau, in this response, showed "his animal proclivities as the 'Tiger of France.'" Cramer, Newton Baker, p. 101.

[38] Clarke, American Women, pp. 90, 87, 93. In some cases, organized women took the offensive to help stamp out vice and liquor in their community. Thus in Texas in 1917 the Texas Women's Anti-Vice Committee led in the creation of a "White Zone" around all the military bases. By autumn the Committee expanded into the Texas Social Hygiene Association to coordinate the work of eradicating prostitution and saloons. San Antonio proved to be its biggest problem. Lewis L. Gould, Progressives and Prohibitionists: Texas Democrats in the Wilson Era (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), p. 227.

[39] Davis, Spearheads for Reform, p. 225.

[40] Fosdick, Chronicle, p. 144. After the war, Raymond Fosdick went on to fame and fortune, first as Under Secretary General of the League of Nations, and then for the rest of his life as a member of the small inner circle close to John D. Rockefeller, Jr. In that capacity, Fosdick rose to become head of the Rockefeller Foundation and Rockefeller's official biographer. Meanwhile, Fosdick's brother, Rev. Harry Emerson, became Rockefeller's hand-picked parish minister, first at Park Avenue Presbyterian Church and then at the new interdenominational Riverside Church, built with Rockefeller funds. Harry Emerson Fosdick was Rockefeller's principal aide in battling, within the Protestant Church, in favor of postmillennial, statist, "liberal" Protestantism and against the rising tide of premillennial Christianity, known as "fundamentalist" since the years before World War I. See Collier and Horowitz, The Rockefellers, pp. 140–142, 151–153.

[41] Davis, Spearheads for Reform, p. 226; Timberlake, Prohibition, p. 66; Boyer, Urban Masses, p. 156.

[42] Eleanor H. Woods, Robert A. Woods; Champion of Democracy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929), p. 316. Also see ibid., pp. 201–202, 250ff., 268ff.

[43] Davis, Spearheads for Reform, p. 227.

[44] H.L. Mencken, "Professor Veblen," in A Mencken Chrestomathy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949). p. 267.

[45] Quoted in the important article by Jean B. Quandt, "Religion and Social Thought: The Secularization of Postmillennialism," American Quarterly 25 (October 1973): 404. Also see John Blewett, S.J., "Democracy as Religion: Unity in Human Relations," in Blewett, ed., John Dewey: His Thought and Influence (New York: Fordham University Press, 1960), pp. 33–58; and John Dewey: The Early Works, 1882–1989, eds., J. Boydstan et al., (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1969–71), vols. 2 and 3.

[46] On the general secularization of postmillennial pietism after 1900, see Quandt, "Religion and Social Thought," pp. 390–409; and James H. Moorhead, "The Erosion of Postmillennialism in American Religious Thought, 1865–1925," Church History 53 (March 1984): 61–77.

[47] Carol S. Gruber, Mars and Minerva: World War I and the Uses of the Higher Learning in America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975), p. 92.

[48] Quoted in Gruber, Mars and Minerva, pp. 92–93. Also see William E. Leuchtenburg, "The New Deal and the Analogue of War," in J. Braeman, R. Bremner, and E. Walters, eds., Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Harper & Row, l966), p. 89. For similar reasons, Thorstein Veblen, prophet of the alleged dichotomy of production for profit vs. production for use, championed the war and began to come out openly for socialism in an article in the New Republic in 1918, later reprinted in his The Vested Interests and the State of the Industrial Arts (1919). See Charles Hirschfeld, "Nationalist Progressivism and World War I," Mid-America 45 (July 1963), p. 150. Also see David Riesman, Thorstein Veblen: A Critical Interpretation (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1960). pp. 30–31.

[49] Hirschfeld, "Nationalist Progressivism," p. 150.

 

[50] Gruber, Mars and Minerva, p. 92.

[51] Hirschfeld, "Nationalist Progressivism," p. 142. It is intriguing that for the New Republic intellectuals, actually existent private individuals are dismissed as "mechanical," whereas nonexistent entities such as "national and social" forces are hailed as being "organic."

[52] Quoted in Hirschfeld, "Nationalist Progressivism," p. 147. A minority of pro-war Socialists broke off from the antiwar Socialist Party to form the Social Democratic League, and to join a pro-war front organized and financed by the Wilson administration, the American Alliance for Labor and Democracy. The pro-war socialists welcomed the war as providing "startling progress in collectivism," and opined that after the war, the existent state socialism would be advanced toward "democratic collectivism." The pro-war socialists included John Spargo, Algie Simons, W.J. Ghent, Robert R. LaMonte, Charles Edward Russell, J.G. Phelps Stokes, Upton Sinclair, and William English Walling. Walling so succumbed to war fever that he denounced the Socialist Party as a conscious tool of the Kaiser and advocated the suppression of freedom of speech for pacifists and for antiwar socialists. See Hirschfeld, "Nationalist Progressivism," p. 143. On Walling, see James Gilbert, Designing the Industrial State: The Intellectual Pursuit of Collectivism in America, 1880–1940 (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1972), pp. 232–233. On the American Alliance for Labor and Democracy and its role in the war effort, see Ronald Radosh, American Labor and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Random House, l969), pp. 58–71.

[53] In fact, Jacob Lippmann was to contract cancer in 1925 and die two years later. Moreover, Lippmann, before and after Jacob's death, was supremely indifferent to his father. Ronald Steel, Walter Lippman and the American Century (New York: Random House, l981), p. 5, pp. 116–117. On Walter Lippmann's enthusiasm for conscription, at least for others, see Beaver, Newton Baker, pp. 26–27.

[54] Hirschfeld, "Nationalist Progressivism," pp. 148–150. On the New Republic and the war, and particularly on John Dewey, also see Christopher Lasch, The New Radicalism in America, 1889–1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), pp. 181–224, especially pp. 202–204. On the three New Republic editors, see Charles Forcey, The Crossroads of Liberalism: Croly, Weyl, Lippmann and the Progressive Era, 1900–1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1961). Also see David W. Noble, "The New Republic and the Idea of Progress, 1914–1920," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 38 (December 1951): 387–402. In a book titled The End of the War (1918), New Republic editor Walter Weyl assured his readers that "the new economic solidarity once gained, can never again be surrendered." Cited in Leuchtenburg. "New Deal," p. 90.

[55] Rexford Guy Tugwell, "America's War-Time Socialism" The Nation (1927), pp. 364–365. Quoted in Leuchtenburg, "The New Deal," pp. 90–91.

[56] In January 1927, Croly wrote a New Republic editorial, "An Apology for Fascism," endorsing an accompanying article, "Fascism for the Italians," written by the distinguished philosopher Horace M. Kallen, a disciple of John Dewey and an exponent of progressive pragmatism. Kallen praised Mussolini for his pragmatic approach, and in particular for the élan vital that Mussolini had infused into Italian life. True, Professor Kallen conceded, fascism is coercive, but surely this is only a temporary expedient. Noting fascism's excellent achievement in economics, education, and administrative reform, Kallen added that "in this respect the Fascist revolution is not unlike the Communist revolution. Each is the application by force …of an ideology to a condition. Each should have the freest opportunity once it has made a start…." The accompanying New Republic editorial endorsed Kallen's thesis and added that "alien critics should beware of outlawing a political experiment which aroused in a whole nation an increased moral energy and dignified its activities by subordinating them to a deeply felt common purpose." New Republic 49 (January 12, 1927), pp. 207–213. Cited in John Patrick Diggins, "Mussolini's Italy: The View from America," PhD diss., University of Southern California, 1964, pp. 214–217.

[57] Born in Ireland, David Croly became a distinguished journalist in New York City and rose to the editorship of the New York World. Croly organized the first Positivist Circle in the United States and financed an American speaking tour for the Comtian Henry Edgar. The Positivist Circle met at Croly's home, and in 1871 David Croly published A Positivist Primer. When Herbert was born in 1869, he was consecrated by his father to the Goddess Humanity, the symbol of Comte's Religion of Humanity. See the illuminating recent biography of Herbert by David W. Levy, Herbert Croly of the New Republic (Princeton: Princeton University Press; 1985).

[58] See Jerry Israel, Progressivism and the Open Door: America and China, 1905–1921 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971).

[59] For a refreshingly acidulous portrayal of the actions of the historians in World War I, see C. Hartley Grattan, "The Historians Cut Loose," American Mercury, August 1927, reprinted in Haw Elmer Barnes, In Quest of Truth and Justice, 2nd ed. (Colorado Springs: Ralph Myles Publisher, 1972), pp. 142–164. A more extended account is George T. Blakey, Historians on the Homefront: American Propagandists for the Great War (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970). Gruber, Mars and Minerva, deals with academia and social scientism, but concentrates an historians. James R. Mock and Cedric Larson, Words that Won the War (Princeton University Press, 1939), presents the story of the "Creel Committee," the Committee on Public Information, the official propaganda ministry during the war.

[60] See the useful biography of Ely, Benjamin G. Rader, The Academic Mind and Reform: The Influence of Richard T. Ely in American Life (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1966).

[61] Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought 1865–1901 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956), pp.239–240.

[62] Fine, Laissez Faire, pp. 180–181.

[63] John Rogers Commons was of old Yankee stock, descendant of John Rogers, Puritan martyr in England, and born in the Yankee area of the Western Reserve in Ohio and reared in Indiana. His Vermont mother was a graduate of the hotbed of pietism, Oberlin College, and she sent John to Oberlin in the hopes that he would become a minister. While in college, Commons and his mother launched a prohibitionist publication at the request of the Anti-Saloon League. After graduation, Commons went to Johns Hopkins to study under Ely, but flunked out of graduate school. See John R. Commons, Myself (Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964). Also see Joseph Dorfman, The Economic Mind in American Civilization (New York: Viking, 1949), vol. 3. 276–277; Mary O. Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865–1905 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975), pp. 198–204.

[64] Quandt, "Religion and Social Thought," pp. 402–403. Ely did not expect the millennial Kingdom to be far off. He believed that it was the task of the universities and of the social sciences "to teach the complexities of the Christian duty of brotherhood in order to arrive at the New Jerusalem "which we are all eagerly awaiting." The church's mission was to attack every evil institution, "until the earth becomes a new earth, and all its cities, cities of God."

[65] Gruber, Mars and Minerva, p. 114.

[66] See Rader, Academic Mind, pp. 181–191. On top big business affiliations of National Security League leaders, especially J.P. Morgan and others in the Morgan ambit, see C. Hartley Grattan, Why We Fought (New York Vanguard Press, 1929) pp. 117–118, and Robert D. Ward, "The Origin and Activities of the National Security League, 1914–1919," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 47 (June 1960): 51–65.

[67] The Chamber of Commerce of the United States spelled out the long-run economic benefit of conscription, that for America's youth it would "substitute a period of helpful discipline for a period of demoralizing freedom from restraint." John Patrick Finnegan, Against the Specter of Dragon: The Campaign for American Military Preparedness, 1914–1917 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1974), p. 110. On the broad and enthusiastic support given to the draft by the Chamber of Commerce, see Chase C. Mooney and Martha E. Layman, "Some Phases of the Compulsory Military Training Movement, 1914–1920," Mississippi Historical Review 38 (March 1952): 640.

[68] Richard T. Ely, Hard Times: The Way in and the Way Out (1931), cited in Joseph Dorfman, The Economic Mind in American Civilization (New York: Viking, 1949). vol. 5, p. 671; and in Leuchtenburg, "The New Deal," p. 94.

[69] Ely drew up a super-patriotic pledge for the Madison chapter of the Loyalty Legion, pledging its members to "stamp out disloyalty." The pledge also expressed unqualified support for the Espionage Act and vowed to "work against La Follettism in all its anti-war forms." Rader, Academic Mind, pp. 183ff.

[70] Gruber, Mars and Minerva, p. 207.

[71] Ibid., pp. 208, 208n.

[72] Ibid., pp. 209–210. In his autobiography, written in 1938, Richard Ely rewrote history to cover up his ignominious role in the get–La Follette campaign. He acknowledged signing the faculty petition, but then had the temerity to claim that he "was not one of the ring-leaders, as La Follette thought, in circulating this petition…." There is no mention of his secret research campaign against La Follette.

[73] For more an the anti-La Follette campaign, see H.C. Peterson and Gilbert C. Fite, Opponents of War: 1917–1918 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1957), pp. 68–72; Paul L. Murphy, World War I and the Origin of Civil Liberties in the United States (New York: W.W. Norton, 1979), p. 120; and Belle Case La Follette and Fola La Follette, Robert M. LaFollette (New York: Macmillan, 1953), volume 2.

[74] Thus, T.W. Hutchison, from a very different perspective, notes the contrast between Carl Menger's stress on the beneficent, unplanned phenomena of society, such as the free market, and the growth of "social self-consciousness" and government planning. Hutchison recognizes that a crucial component of that social self-consciousness is government statistics. T.W. Hutchison, A Review of Economic Doctrines, 1870–1929 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), pp. 150–151, 427.

[75] Fine, Laissez-Faire, p. 207.

[76] Solomon Fabricant, The Trend of Government Activity in the United States since 1900 (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1952), p. 143. Similarly, an authoritative work on the growth of government in England puts it this way: "The accumulation of factual information about social conditions and the development of economics and the social sciences increased the pressure for government intervention…. As statistics improved and students of social conditions multiplied, the continued existence of such conditions was kept before the public. Increasing knowledge of them aroused influential circles and furnished working class movements with factual weapons." Moses Abramovitz and Vera F. Eliasberg, The Growth of Public Employment in Great Britain (Princeton: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1957), pp. 22–23, 30. Also see M.I. Cullen, The Statistical Movement in Early Victorian Britain: The Foundations of Empirical Social Research (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1975).

[77] See Joseph Dorfman, "The Role of the German Historical School in American Economic Thought." American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings 45 (May 1955), p. 18. George Hildebrand remarked on the inductive emphasis of the German Historical School that "perhaps there is, then, some connection between this kind of teaching and the popularity of crude ideas of physical planning in more recent times." George H. Hildebrand, "International Flow of Economic Ideas-Discussion," ibid., p. 37.

[78] Dorfman, "Role," p. 23. On Wright and Adams, see Joseph Dorfman, The Economic Mind in American Civilization (New York: Viking Press, 1949), vol. 3, 164–174, 123; and Boyer, Urban Masses, p. 163. Furthermore, the first professor of statistics in the United States, Roland P. Falkner, was a devoted student of Engel's and a translator of the works of Engel's assistant, August Meitzen.

[79] Irving Norton Fisher, My Father Irving Fisher (New York: Comet Press, 1956), pp. 146–147. Also for Fisher, see Irving Fisher, Stabilised Money (London: Allen & Unwin, 1935), p. 383.

[80] Fisher, My Father, pp. 264–267. On Fisher's role and influence during this period, see Murray N. Rothbard, America's Great Depression, 4th ed. (New York: Richardson & Snyder, 1983). Also see Joseph S. Davis, The World Between the Wars, 1919–39, An Economist's View (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), p. 194; and Melchior Palyi, The Twilight of Gold, 1914–1936: Myth and Realities (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1972), pp. 240, 249.

[81] Wesley C. Mitchell was of old Yankee pietist stock. His grandparents were farmers in Maine and then in Western New York. His father followed the path of many Yankees in migrating to a farm in northern Illinois. Mitchell attended the University of Chicago, where he was strongly influenced by Veblen and John Dewey. Dorfman, Economic Mind, vol. 3, 456.

[82] Dorfman, Economic Mind, vol. 4, 376, 361.

[83] Emphasis added. Lucy Sprague Mitchell, Two Lives (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), p. 363. For more on this entire topic, see Murray N. Rothbard, "The Politics of Political Economists: Comment," Quarterly Journal of Economics 74 (November 1960): 659–665.

[84] See in particular James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900–1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); and Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 59 (October 1961), pp. 157–169.

[85] David Eakins, "The Origins of Corporate Liberal Policy Research, 1916–1922: The Political-Economic Expert and the Decline of Public Debate," in Israel, ed., Building the Organizational Society, p. 161.

[86] Herbert Heaton, Edwin F. Gay, A Scholar in Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952). Edwin Gay was born in Detroit of old New England stock. His father had been born in Boston and went into his father-in-law's lumber business in Michigan. Gay's mother was the daughter of a wealthy preacher and lumberman. Gay entered the University of Michigan, was heavily influenced by the teaching of John Dewey, and then stayed in graduate school in Germany for over a dozen years, finally obtaining his PhD in economic history at the University of Berlin. The major German influences on Gay were Gustav Schmoller, head of the Historical School, who emphasized that economics must be an "inductive science," and Adolf Wagner, also at the University of Berlin, who favored large-scale government intervention in the economy in behalf of Christian ethics. Back at Harvard, Gay was the major single force, in collaboration with the Boston Chamber of Commerce, in pushing through a factory inspection act in Massachusetts, and in early 1911 Gay became president of the Massachusetts branch of the American Association for Labor Legislation, an organization founded by Richard T. Ely and dedicated to agitating for government intervention in the area of labor unions, minimum wage rates, unemployment, public works, and welfare.

[87] On the pulling and hauling among Rockefeller advisers on The Institute of Economic Research, see David M. Grossman, "American Foundations and the Support of Economic Research, 1913–29," Minerva 22 (Spring–Summer 1982): 62–72.

[88] See Eakins, "Origins," pp. 166–167; Grossman, "American Foundations," pp. 76–78; Heaton, Edwin F. Gay. On Stone, see Dorfman, Economic Mind, vol. 4, 42, 60–61; and Samuel Haber, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era 1890–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), pp. 152, 165. During his Marxist period, Stone had translated Marx's Poverty of Philosophy.

[89] See Guy Alchon, The Invisible Hand of Planning: Capitalism, Social Science, and the State in the 1920's (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 54ff.

[90] Collier and Horowitz, The Rockefellers, p. 140.

[91] Eakins, "Origins," p. 168. Also see Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity, pp. 282–286.

[92] Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of the National Administrative Capacities, 1877–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 187–188.

[93] Vice-chairman of the IGR was retired St. Louis merchant and lumberman and former president of Washington University of St. Louis, Robert S. Brookings. Secretary of the IGR was James F. Curtis, formerly Assistant Secretary of the Treasury under Taft and now secretary and deputy governor of the New York Federal Reserve Bank. Others on the board of the IGR were ex-President Taft; railroad executive Frederick A. Delano, uncle of Franklin D. Roosevelt and member of the Federal Reserve Board; Arthur T. Hadley, economist and president of Yale; Charles C. Van Hise, progressive president of the University of Wisconsin, and ally of Ely; reformer and influential young Harvard Law professor, Felix Frankfurter; Theodore N. Vail, chairman of AT&T; progressive engineer and businessman, Herbert C. Hoover; and financier R. Fulton Cutting, an officer of the New York Bureau of Municipal Research. Eakins, "Origins," pp. 168–169.

[94] On the Commercial Economy Board, see Grosvenor B. Clarkson, Industrial America in the World War: The Strategy Behind the Line, 1917–1918 (Boston: Houghton Mifilin, 1923), pp. 211ff.

[95] Alchon, Invisible Hand, p. 29. Mitchell headed the price statistics section of the Price-Fixing Committee of the War Industries Board.

[96] Heaton, Edwin Gay, p. 129.

[97] See Rothbard, "War Collectivism," pp. 100–112.

[98] See Heaton, Edwin Gay, pp. 129ff; and the excellent book on the Inquiry, Lawrence E. Gelfand, The Inquiry: American Preparations for Peace, 1917–1919 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963), pp. 166–168, 177–178.

[99] Heaton, Edwin Gay, p. 135. Also see Alchon, Invisible Hand, pp. 35–36.

[100] In 1939 the Bureau of the Budget would be transferred to the Executive Office, thus completing the IGR objective.

[101] Moulton was a professor of economics at the University of Chicago, and vice-president of the Chicago Association of Commerce. See Eakins, "Origins," pp. 172–177; Dorfman, Economic Mind, vol. 4, 11, 195–197.

[102] Gay had been recommended to the group by one of its founders, Thomas W. Lamont. It was Gay's suggestion that the CFR begin its major project by establishing an "authoritative" journal, Foreign Affairs. And it was Gay who his Harvard historian colleague Archibald Cary Coolidge as the first editor and the New York Post reporter Hamilton Fish Armstrong as assistant editor and executive director of the CFR. See Lawrence H. Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977), pp. 16–19, 105, 110.

[103] Ellis W. Hawley, "Herbert Hoover and Economic Stabilization, 1921–22," in E. Hawley, ed., Herbert Hoover as Secretary of Commerce: Studies in New Era Thought and Practice (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1981), p. 52.

[104] Hawley, "Herbert Hoover," p. 53. Also see ibid., pp. 42–54. On the continuing collaboration between Hoover, Gay, and Mitchell throughout the 1920s see Alchon, Invisible Hand.

[105] Alchon, Invisible Hand, pp. 39–42; Dorfman, Economic Mind, vol. 3, 490.

[106] One exception was the critical review in the Commercial and Financial Chronicle (May 18, 1929), which derided the impression given the reader that the capacity of the United States "for continued prosperity is well-nigh unlimited." Quoted in Davis, World Between the Wars, p. 144. Also on Recent Economic Changes and economists' opinions at the time, see ibid., pp. 136–151, 400–417; David W. Eakins, "The Development of Corporate Liberal Policy Research in the United States, 1885–1965," PhD diss., doctoral dissertation University of Wisconsin, 1966, pp. 166–169, 205; and Edward Angly, comp., Oh Yeah? (New York: Viking Press, 1931).

[107] In 1930, Hunt published a book-length, popularizing summary, An Audit of America. On Recent Economic Changes, also see Alchon, Invisible Hand, pp. 129–133, 135–142, 145–151, 213.

[108] Department of Labor – FSA Appropriation Bill for 1945. Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Appropriations. 78th Congress, 2nd Session, Part I (Washington, 1945), pp. 258f., 276f. Quoted in Rothbard, "Politics of Political Economists," p. 665. On the growth of economists and statisticians in government, especially during wartime, see also Herbert Stein, "The Washington Economics Industry," American Economic Association Papers and Proceedings 76 (May 1986), pp. 2–3.