M2RB: Soundtrack
By Anne Bayefsky and Michael B Mukaskey
Several Republican senators continue to oppose the possible nomination of Susan Rice, currently the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, to be secretary of state in President Obama's second term. Their opposition stems largely from Ms. Rice's repeated insistence, five days after terrorists murdered four Americans at a U.S. facility in Libya, that the slaughter stemmed from spontaneous Muslim rage over an amateur video. Sen. John McCain at one point called Ms. Rice "unfit" for the job.
To assess fitness, one might look at those who served previously as
secretary of state. More than one has said or done foolish things, or
served without notable distinction.
In 1929, Henry Stimson dismantled the
nation's only cryptographic facility, located in the State Department,
with the airy observation that gentlemen don't read one another's mail.
(He sobered up by World War II, when as secretary of war he oversaw a
robust code-breaking effort.) More recently, Clinton administration
Secretary of State Warren Christopher diminished the office by making
several futile pilgrimages to Syria, where he once waited on his
airplane for over half an hour in Damascus before being told that Syrian
dictator Hafez Assad was too busy to see him. Assad calculated
correctly that the slap would be cost-free.
By this modest standard, some might find that Susan Rice is fit. But
moral fitness is also relevant, and it is in that category that the
Benghazi episode is relevant.
The president has said that Ms. Rice
should not be criticized because she "had nothing to do with Benghazi"
and so couldn't have known better when she gave her false account.
According to Mr. Obama (and to her), she simply repeated talking points
provided by an amorphous and anonymous "intelligence community."
But Ms. Rice did know at least a couple of things. She knew that she
had nothing to do with Benghazi. She knew that after the attack the
president insisted that U.S. leaders not "shoot first and aim later" but
rather "make sure that the statements that you make are backed up by
the facts." She knew that the video story line was questionable, as Sen.
Dianne Feinstein (chairman of the Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence) and administration officials had already suggested
publicly that the attack was al Qaeda-related. And she knew that the
president had a political interest in asserting that al Qaeda wasn't
successfully attacking senior American officials but was instead "on the
run," as he maintained on the campaign trail.
Senators might therefore ask Ms. Rice
why she was put forward to speak about Benghazi, and what part her
personal ambition might have played in her willingness to assume the
role known during the Cold War as "useful idiot."
Ms. Rice might also be asked what she
knew about al Qaeda's operations in Libya. As a member of the U.N.
Security Council and its "Al-Qaida Sanctions Committee," she is privy,
for example, to information about the al Qaeda-affiliated Libyan Islamic
Fighting Group, which is under sanctions and, according to the council,
"maintain[s] a presence in eastern Libya."
Senators might also explore Ms. Rice's
broader record at the U.N. Why, for example, did she think it was
appropriate to absent herself from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu's September speech to the General Assembly, the purpose of
which was to offer the global community a painstaking explanation of why
Iran must be stopped before it can weaponize its growing stock of
enriched uranium.
Then there is the matter of U.S. participation for the past three
years in the U.N. Human Rights Council, alongside such paragons as
China, Cuba, Russia and Saudi Arabia (soon to be replaced by Pakistan,
United Arab Emirates, Ivory Coast and Venezuela). Ms. Rice has
continually defended America's presence on the council while boasting to
Congress that the U.S. "succeeded in getting Iran to withdraw its
candidacy last year." She omitted that, in return, the Obama
administration stood aside while Iran was elected to the U.N.'s top
women's rights body, the Commission on the Status of Women.
Faced with the Human Rights Council's obsessive condemnations of Israel, Ms. Rice told Congress in April 2011 that "the results there were worse when America sat on the sidelines. . . . Israel was relentlessly bashed." America's "engagement and leadership," she said, "are paying dividends." Yet two weeks earlier, the council had concluded its March 2011 session by adopting more resolutions bashing Israel than at any other session in its history.
In February 2011, Ms. Rice vetoed a
Security Council resolution condemning Israel for building settlements,
but she voiced agreement with the resolution's substance in extreme
terms, even touching on construction inside existing settlements and
within Israel's capital. "Israeli settlement activity" has "corroded
hopes for peace and stability in the region," she said, adding that it
"violates Israel's international commitments [and] devastates trust
between the parties. . . . [W]e agree with our fellow council
members—and indeed, with the wider world—about the folly and
illegitimacy of continued Israeli settlement activity."
This month, asked to comment on plans by
Human Rights Council "experts" to create a special "investigation unit"
and report on America's use of drones as violations of international
law and possible "war crimes," Ms. Rice said mildly that the U.S. has
"questions about the appropriateness of this approach but we will look
at it on its merits."
On the critical issue of Iran's nuclear
program, Ms. Rice has been able to achieve only one sanctions
resolution, in June 2010, and with less support than any of the multiple
Security Council resolutions passed during the George W. Bush
administration.
With respect to the ghastly scenario in
Syria, Ms. Rice's efforts in the Security Council have been stunningly
meager. The Russians (with whom America supposedly "reset" its
relationship) and the Chinese have her thoroughly stymied.
Other examples, of both her inexplicable
absences from the U.N. and her inconsequential presence, could be
adduced. And though the president, not the U.N. ambassador, makes
foreign policy, one is entitled to ask how a Secretary Rice would view
the acts and omissions of Ambassador Rice.
Amazingly, the other person most frequently mentioned as a possible
secretary of state is Sen. John Kerry, who in the 1970s not only threw
away his military medals and testified that his fellow soldiers in
Vietnam were war criminals, but also said during a 2004 presidential
debate that the U.S. shouldn't use its military power without invoking a
"global test" and garnering international approval. So all this may be a
matter of choosing the lesser of two evils—but at a minimum Americans
should know fully what they are choosing.
Ms. Bayefsky is director of the Touro Institute on
Human Rights and the Holocaust. Mr. Mukasey served as U.S. attorney
general from 2007-09 and as a U.S. district judge from 1988 to 2006.
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