Chris Matthews, the new, but past his prime, Fonzi.
Mr Bojangles - Sammy Davis, Jr
I knew a man Bojangles and he'd dance for you in worn out shoes
Silver hair, ragged shirt and baggy pants, that old soft shoe
He'd jump so high, he'd jump so high, then he lightly touched down
Mr. Bojangles, Mr. Bojangles, dance.
I met him in a cell in New Orleans, I was down and out
He looked to me to be the eyes of age as he spoke right out
He talked of life, he talked of life, laughing slapped his leg stale
Mr. Bojangles, Mr. Bojangles, dance.
He said the name Bojangles and he danced a lick all across the cell
He grabbed his pants for a better stance, oh he jumped so high and he clicked
up his heels
He let go laugh, he let go laugh, shook back his clothes all around
Mr. Bojangles, Mr. Bojangles, dance, yeah, dance.
He danced for those at minstrel shows and county fairs throughout the south
He spoke with tears of 15 years of how his dog and him but just travelled all about
His dog up and died, he up and died, and after 20 years he still grieves
Mr. Bojangles, Mr. Bojangles, dance.
He said I dance now at every chance at honky-tonks for drinks and tips
But most of the time I spend behind these county bars, cause I drink so bit
He shook his head, yes he shook his head, I heard someone ask him, please,
Mr. Bojangles, Mr. Bojangles, dance, dance, Mr Bojangles, dance.
Whoa, you like to think that you're immune to the stuff, oh Yeah
It's closer to the truth to say you can't get enough,
You know you're gonna have to face it, you're addicted to love
The lights are on, but you're not home...
“I do think, at a certain point, you've made enough money.”
- President Barack Obama, 29 April 2010
Right back 'atcha, honey:
"I do think, at a certain point, you've spent enough money."
- Me
Addicted To Love - Robert Palmer
The lights are on, but you're not home
Your mind is not your own
Your heart sweats, your body shakes
Another kiss is what it takes
You can't sleep, you can't eat
There's no doubt, you're in deep
Your throat is tight, you can't breathe
Another kiss is all you need
Whoa, you like to think that you're immune to the stuff, oh Yeah
It's closer to the truth to say you can't get enough,
You know you're gonna have to face it, you're addicted to love
You see the signs, but you can't read
You're running at a different speed
Your heart beats in double time
Another kiss and you'll be mine,
A one-track mind, you can't be saved
Oblivion is all you crave
If there's some left for you
You don't mind if you do
Whoa, you like to think that you're immune to the stuff, oh Yeah
It's closer to the truth to say you can't get enough,
You know you're gonna have to face it, you're addicted to love
Might as well face it, you're addicted to love [5x]
Your lights are on, but you're not home
Your will is not your own
Your heart sweats your teeth grind
Another kiss and you'll be mine
Whoa, you like to think that you're immune to the stuff, oh Yeah
It's closer to the truth to say you can't get enough,
You know you're gonna have to face it, you're addicted to love
Might as well face it, you're addicted to love [8x]
If you start me up
If you start me up I'll never stop
If you start me up
If you start me up I'll never stop
I've been running hot
You got me ticking gonna blow my top
If you start me up
If you start me up I'll never stop
Never stop, never stop, never stop
Close races, like the current one, have higher likelihood of a "shake-up"
by Andrew Dugan
WASHINGTON, D.C. -- As the 2012 presidential
conventions get underway in Tampa, Fla., a Gallup analysis of 15
elections from 1952 to 2008 shows that in all but three instances --
1988, 1992, and 2004 -- the candidate leading in the Gallup poll
conducted just prior to the first convention (the "pre-convention poll")
has won the November election.
Pre-convention polls are not good predictors of a candidate's final vote
share, but they are useful in terms of simply forecasting which
candidate will win the election. Overall, 80% of the pre-convention
leaders went on to become president, although that success percentage
figure includes the disputed 2000 election, in which George W. Bush was
elected without winning the popular vote.
Barack Obama and Mitt Romney have been tied or very close in recent Gallup Daily tracking
averages. Gallup's final pre-convention standing of the two candidates
will be based on the Aug. 20-26 average and posted Monday afternoon on
Gallup.com. If either candidate is ahead in that average, the historical
data outlined below suggest that candidate is more likely to be the
eventual winner, although close races such as this one suggest more
potential for exceptions to that pattern.
Big Bounces, Lack Thereof Have Bucked the Trend
Each of the three elections in which the leader in the pre-convention polls went on to lose had differing scenarios.
In 1992, George H.W. Bush led in both a two-candidate race vs. Bill
Clinton and a three-candidate race vs. Clinton and independent Ross
Perot prior to the Democratic convention that year. Perot dropped out of
the race during the Democratic convention. Clinton enjoyed a tremendous
bump in support after the convention and never trailed again, even
after Perot rejoined the race in October.
The other two elections in which a leading candidate eventually lost
provide clearer examples of changes in the overall political dynamic
caused by the convention/debate segment of the campaign. Entering the
conventions in 1988, then-Vice President George H.W. Bush trailed
Democrat Michael Dukakis by six points prior to the Democratic
convention, and fell further behind after it. Bush's lagging in the
polls might at least partially be ascribed to "party fatigue," stemming
from the same political party's holding control of the White House for
two terms (all four incumbent vice presidents running for president
since Richard Nixon in 1960 trailed their opponent at this point of the
campaign). However, a month later, Bush received a big bounce from his
convention that pushed him into the lead, and he never trailed from that
point on.
The 2004 election was generally competitive between George W. Bush
and John Kerry throughout. Bush was slightly behind Kerry just before
the first convention -- the Democrats', from which Kerry got no bounce
-- but Bush went on to win the election by three percentage points that
November.
Eventual Vote Tallies Tend to Differ From Pre-Convention Polls
Regardless of the eventual winner, the margins in the final
popular-vote tally can differ significantly from what is suggested by
the pre-convention polling. This can result from many factors -- the
convention bounce, the debates, the effect of the campaigns, undecided
voters finally choosing a side, and which registered voters actually
vote in the election.
John Kennedy was leading Nixon by four points prior to the
conventions in 1960, yet went on to win the vote by less than one point.
Jimmy Carter was leading Gerald Ford by 17 points prior to the
conventions in 1976, yet won by only a two-point margin. Ronald Reagan
was ahead by three points in 1980, but he won by 10 points. Bill
Clinton's pre-convention margin of 22 points over Bob Dole shrank to
nine points in the final popular vote.
Margins fluctuate, but the strength of support in pre-convention
polls can identify solid favorites. All candidates polling above 50%
prior to the first convention, always good territory for office-seekers,
went on to victory -- although Jimmy Carter nearly became an exception
in 1976, with his two-point margin against incumbent Gerald Ford.
Close 2012 Race is Akin to 1960, 1968, 1980, 2004, and 2008
This year, incumbent President Obama has not been able to sustainjob approval ratings above 50% and in similar fashion so far has not edged over 50% in Gallup Daily tracking polls of presidential vote preferences
(although Romney has not either). Obama and Romney have for the most
part been closely matched over the last four months. Thus, the current
standing of the two candidates in the polls most closely resembles 1960,
1968, 1980, 2004, and 2008 -- all elections in which pre-convention
polling showed one candidate leading the other by four points or fewer.
Still, in four of those five, with 2004 the exception, the candidate
with even a slim lead prior to the first convention went on to victory.
Close Races Going Into Conventions Most Likely to See Shake-Ups
Gallup's historical trends demonstrate that both candidates tend to get a "bounce" out of their respective conventions.
In order to control for the possibility that support for the candidate
nominated in the second convention would be overstated in polls directly
after that convention, Gallup examined surveys conducted at least 14
days after the last convention (but before the first debate, if
applicable).
Historically speaking, candidates well behind in the polls before the
convention process begins are unlikely to improve their position in any
meaningful way, even if they achieve a small bounce. And candidates who
are well ahead also maintain their positioning. Presidential nominating
conventions have influenced voter preferences and even created new
favorites only when the final pre-convention-period poll showed signs of
electoral gridlock in the form of no clear, indisputable winner. In
that sense, 2012 looks to be an especially ripe year for the conventions
to have a significant effect on the overall standing of the two
candidates.
This is because there is a higher likelihood of a "shake-up" in who
leads in the polls if the two candidates are running fairly close before
the conventions begin. Furthermore, these changes can be consequential.
In 1988, 1992, 2000, and 2004, the lead changed after the two
conventions, and three of those candidates who emerged as leaders went
on to be elected president. The fourth such candidate, then-Vice
President Al Gore, did go on to win the popular vote, but not the
election.
In another two instances, 1960 and 1980, the candidates running
behind were able to pull even after the conventions, but both were
eventually defeated.
Also, 1968 provides an example of how unusual circumstances produce
an unusual process. Before the conventions, the Republican Nixon held a
modest lead of two points over Democrat Hubert Humphrey. After both
conventions, Nixon's advantage had swelled to 15 points, most likely as a
result of the highly visible breakdown of law and order at the
Democratic convention in Chicago. Still, by Election Day the race had
become neck and neck again, and Nixon ended up winning by a slim
one-point margin in the popular vote.
Bottom Line
As the 2012 presidential campaign enters the convention phase of the
cycle, the large-scale, nationally televised rallies in Tampa and
Charlotte will likely excite each party's fervent supporters and serve
as an endless source of commentary among political analysts as to which
candidate put on the better performance. Some of this energy may be
reflected in the polls: Gallup has found that most candidates can expect
a "bounce" in their support after their nominating convention, withthe median uptick being five points.
Observers will be especially interested in the impact of the two
conventions, given the closeness of the 2012 race, in which both
candidates have rarely enjoyed a lead any larger than three points in Gallup Daily tracking.
All else being equal, the leader of the Gallup poll prior to the
convention has an 80% probability of winning the election, according to
past data.
Of course, all else is not equal. When pre-convention polls show a
tight race, as is the case this year, conventions have been more likely
to create new leaders or galvanize support for a heretofore weak leader.
Thus, both President Obama and Romney have the potential this year to
gain an upper hand as a result of the convention process.
A future analysis will look over the relationship between polls conducted soon after both conventions and their worth in predicting the election outcome.
UPDATE: Gallup released its pre-convention poll this afternoon. The results:
Romney: 47%
Obama: 46%
Start Me Up - The Rolling Stones
If you start me up
If you start me up I'll never stop
If you start me up
If you start me up I'll never stop
I've been running hot
You got me ticking gonna blow my top
If you start me up
If you start me up I'll never stop
Never stop, never stop, never stop
You make a grown man cry (x3)
Spread out the oil, the gasoline
I walk smooth, ride in a mean, mean machine
Start it up
If you start it up
Kick on the starter give it all you got, you got, you got
I can't compete with the riders in the other heats
If you rough it up
If you like it you can slide it up,
Slide it up, slide it up, slide it up
Don't make a grown man cry (x3)
My eyes dilate, my lips go green
My hands are greasy
She's a mean, mean machine
Start it up
If start me up
Ahh... give it all you got
You got to never, never, never stop
Slide it up, baby just slide it up
Slide it up, slide it up, never, never, never
You make a grown man cry (x3)
Ride like the wind at double speed
I'll take you places that you've never, never seen
If you start it up
Love the day when we will never stop, never stop
Never, never, never stop
Tough me up
Never stop, never stop
You, you, you make a grown man cry
You, you make a dead man come
You, you make a dead man come
There's a place for the baby that died,
And there's time for the mother who cried.
And she will hold him in her arms sometime,
'Cause nine months is too long, too long, too long...
How, how could you hurt the child,
How could you hurt the child?
Now, does this make you satisfied,
Satisfied, satisfied?
Hence the dangerous (for liberals) question lurking beneath the surface
of the Akin controversy. If the Republican nominee for Senate in
Missouri is an extremist on abortion, what does that make the president
of the United States?
By
ROSS DOUTHAT
IN 1971, two years before Roe v. Wade, the philosopher Judith Jarvis Thomson used an arresting thought experiment to makethe case for legalized abortion.
Imagine, wrote Thomson, that you awoke to find yourself lashed to a
famous violinist. The violinist suffers from a lethal kidney disease,
and because only your blood type can save his life, his admirers have
kidnapped you and looped your circulatory systems together. If you
consent to remain thus entangled for nine months, he will make a full
recovery. Disentangle yourself, however, and he dies.
Thomson suggested that a woman facing an unintended pregnancy is in a
similar position. Her body is effectively being held hostage, and while
carrying the unborn life to term might be a heroic act, it cannot be
required of her, any more than you could be required to meekly accept
your fate as a prisoner of the violinist.
Provocative as it is, there are obvious problems with this analogy. It
implies that there’s no difference between declining to provide medical
treatment and taking a life directly, and no difference between the
moral obligations owed a stranger and the obligations owed one’s own
child.
The biggest difficulty, though, is that most women considering an
abortion were not kidnapped and impregnated against their will. They
freely chose the act that brought the fetus into being, and analogizing
their situation to a kidnap victim implies a peculiar, almost
infantilizing attitude toward female moral agency.
There is, however, one case where Thomson’s famous thought experiment
has a real and gripping power: pregnancies that result from rape. Then
the woman’s body has in a sense been kidnapped by her assailant, and the
life inside her is the consequence of a violation rather than a choice.
From a rigorous anti-abortion perspective, that life has the same
inalienable rights as any other innocent. But even the most rigorous
abortion foe recognizes the unique agony — and perhaps, the political
impossibility — involved in asking a woman to bear her rapist’s child.
It’s the desire to escape from this dilemma, no doubt, that explains the
Missouri Senate candidate Todd Akin’s instantly infamous claim that
there’s actually no problem at all, because “legitimate” rape victims
don’t get pregnant in the first place.
Blending superstition, sexism and stupidity, his comments have been a
boon to the Democratic Party not only in Missouri but nationally as
well. In an election season where the Democratic incumbent has been
transparently eager to change the subject from the economy to social
issues, Akin handed the president and his party a great and unexpected
gift.
But great gifts are also great temptations. Having Akin front and center
is clearly helpful to the Democrats. Having liberal politicians harping
incessantly on the issue — accusing Mitt Romney (falsely) of favoring banning abortion in cases of rape, headlining abortion rights at the Democratic Convention, and so on — is a riskier maneuver.
As the Republican Party has discovered in the past, when voters want to
talk about the economy and you can’t stop talking about the culture war,
it’s easy to seem out of touch even when the public agrees with what
you’re saying.
On the abortion issue, too, Democrats have a tendency to forget that the public doesn’t necessarily agree with them. Only22 percent of Americans
would ban abortion in cases of rape or incest, according to Gallup. But
that’s an exceptional number for exceptional circumstances. The broader polling shows a country persistently divided, with women roughly as likely to
take the anti-abortion view as men. (Indeed, the small minority that
opposes abortion in cases of rape includes more women than men.)
These are issues where many Democratic politicians have something in
common with Akin: They have abortion positions well outside the American
mainstream.
Because the press is reliably sympathetic to the cause of abortion
rights, and because pro-choice extremism tends to be the province of
sophisticates and tastemakers, this reality does not always get the
attention it deserves. But it’s crucial to understanding the risk that
the Democrats are taking if they set out to make this election a
referendum on abortion.
That’s because in Barack Obama, they have a nominee who occupies the far leftward pole of the abortion debate, with along and reliable record of voting against even modest regulations on the practice — including a vote he cast as
an Illinois lawmaker against regulations intended to protect infants
born accidentally as a result of a botched abortion. President Obama
rarely bothers with Bill Clinton’s “safe, legal and rare” formulation:
he’s pro-choice with almost no limitations or exceptions.
Hence the dangerous (for liberals) question lurking beneath the surface
of the Akin controversy. If the Republican nominee for Senate in
Missouri is an extremist on abortion, what does that make the president
of the United States?
The Icicle Melts - The Cranberries
When, when will the icicle melt,
The icicle, icicle?
And when, when will the picture show end,
The picture show, picture show?
I should not have read the paper today,
'Cause a child, child, child, child he was taken away.
There's a place for the baby that died,
And there's time for the mother who cried.
And she will hold him in her arms sometime,
'Cause nine months is too long, too long, too long...
How, how could you hurt the child,
How could you hurt the child?
Now, does this make you satisfied,
Satisfied, satisfied?
I don't know what's happ'ning to people today,
When a child, child, child, child, he was taken away.
There's a place for the baby that died,
And there's time for the mother who cried.
And she will hold him in her arms sometime,
'Cause nine months is too long, too long, too long...
There's a place for the baby that died,
And there's time for the mother who cried.
And you will hold him in your arms sometime,
'Cause nine months is too long, too long, too long,
Too long.
It’s not right, not OK
Say the words that you say
Maybe we’re better off this way?
I’m not fine, I’m in pain
It’s harder everyday
Maybe we’re better off this way?
It’s better that we break…
The people of Britain - and Europe - have seen through the great project. When
will the elites catch up?
By
Daniel Hannan
It’s often the unwatched pot that boils first. All eyes this week have been on
Greece, which is offering to sell some of its islands in a belated attempt
to appease its creditors. The prime minister, Antonis Samaras, has been
pleading for more time. “We need room to breathe,” he told EU leaders –
though it is, of course, the corset of monetary union that is causing the
asphyxiation. Angela Merkel and François Hollande have so far been unmoved,
insisting that they have eased Greece’s terms for the last time.
After three years, the rest of Europe has lost patience with Athens. Indeed,
there is an uneasy sense in the palaces and chancelleries of the Continent
that Greece may be the least of their worries. In the past 72 hours, Cyprus
has revealed that its deficit is 4.5 per cent, rather than the 3.5 per cent
previously declared, making a bail-out there hard to avoid. Ireland has
announced that more than a quarter of its owner-occupier mortgages are now
in arrears. Portugal, which had rather dropped out of sight since its own
bail-out, has seen a sharp fall in tax revenue, and now admits that it won’t
meet the EU-mandated deficit target.
It’s true, of course, that Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Cyprus amount,
collectively, to less than five per cent of the EU’s economy. They can be
rescued without exhausting the bail-out fund; or, alternatively, their
defaults might be managed as controlled explosions.
The same is not true of Spain. A default there would blast a fair chunk of the
European banking system to smithereens. On the other hand, a further
bail-out in Spain – and the Wall Street Journal reports that talks on such a
rescue package have now begun – would require at least 350 billion euros.
Until now, the donor countries have been signing putative rather than actual
cheques – cheques whose figures are, in any case, too large to
be conceptualised. Voters can’t easily connect headlines about Mediterranean
crises with concerns about their pension being cut or their school closed.
Rather like Britons in the autumn of 1939, they think of the turmoil as
distant, almost abstract.
But distant turmoil has a way of forcing itself upon a nation unlooked-for.
The Dutch government recently collapsed over a proposed cut in pensions.
While the reform itself was a modest response to rising longevity, voters
had a nagging suspicion that they were being asked to retire later so that
Greeks and Italians could retire earlier.
The populist politician Geert
Wilders shook his platinum locks, announcing that he wouldn’t “bow down
before the Brussels dictators”. Now the Dutch Socialist party, too, has
turned Eurosceptic, and is surging on the back of its promise of a
referendum on the fiscal union treaty. Robbing Pieter to pay Paulo turns out
to be remarkably unpopular across the political spectrum.
As the sums mount, the backlash grows. The last Finnish election saw every
other party lose ground to Timo Soini’s True Finns (which, despite its name,
is a centrist party that just happens to be anti-bail-out). How long before
the other net contributors follow suit?
Brussels leaders have no reservoir of Euro-sympathy on which to draw. Only in
Germany – and less and less so even there – can politicians demand
sacrifices in the name of the EU. This is squarely the fault of the
politicians themselves, who sold the euro on a false premise. Voters were
given three assurances about the single currency: that it would boost
growth; that it would make its constituent states get on better; and that it
would impose fiscal discipline. All three claims turn out to have been lies.
Small wonder that the parties that made them have lost credibility.
Amid all this talk of needing a “growth policy”, it’s easy to forget that
we’re living with the consequences of the last “growth policy”. The single
currency was supposed to add one per cent a year to the EU’s GDP in
perpetuity. Yet the same politicians who told their constituents that the
euro would make them richer now unblushingly demand more of the same:
Eurobonds, a common taxation system, an EU finance minister and the full
panoply of economic and fiscal union.
You really don’t get it, do you, chaps? Your voters are ahead of you: they can
extrapolate from the miscarriage of your single most important project. Just
as the euro has failed, so has the wider integrationist scheme. The EU was
supposed to have “the most competitive knowledge-based economy in the world”
by the year 2010; in fact, it is becoming sclerotic, poor and irrelevant. It
was supposed to entrench democracy, but has ended up imposing civilian
juntas on Athens and Rome. It was supposed to soothe national animosities,
but has instead stoked them – read what German newspapers say about Greeks,
and vice versa.
For the politicians and functionaries who make a living out of the Brussels
system, none of this much matters. Human nature being what it is, people can
always interpret events as a vindication of what they already believed. The
French even have a phrase for it: déformation professionnelle, the
construction of your opinions around your professional interest. But while
the elites twist every new development into an argument for deeper
integration, their peoples have seen through the racket.
In Britain, too, most politicians are behind their constituents. All three
parties still talk of the EU as if it were vital to our economic survival,
but the fact is that it is becoming less important by the hour.
In the first six months of this year, our exports to the EU fell by 18 per
cent, while our exports to the rest of the world rose by 28 per cent. In
May, the Commonwealth’s economy overtook that of the eurozone. On every
measure, the EU now accounts for a minority of our trade. That’s not to say,
of course, that it doesn’t matter: it remains a large market for our
exporters. But it is increasingly becoming just one market alongside Nafta,
Mercosur and the rest – and no one suggests that we need to surrender our
sovereignty to sell to them.
We joined the EEC (as it then was) because we wanted to be part of a growing
trade bloc. In the event, the growth has taken place elsewhere. The basis of
our membership is being negated. Sooner or later, we’ll notice.
Daniel Hannan is a Conservative MEP. His latest book, 'A Doomed Marriage:
Britain and Europe’, is published by Notting Hill Editions
Better That We Break - Maroon 5
I never knew perfection til
I heard you speak, and now it kills me
Just to hear you say the simple things
Now waking up is hard to do
And sleeping is impossible too
Everything is reminding me of you
What can I do?
It’s not right, not OK
Say the words that you say
Maybe we’re better off this way?
I’m not fine, I’m in pain
It’s harder everyday
Maybe we’re better off this way?
It’s better that we break…
A fool to let you slip away
I chase you just to hear you say
You’re scared and that you think that I’m insane
The city look so nice from here
Pity I can’t see it clearly
While you’re standing there, it disappears
It disappears
It’s not right, not OK
Say the word it should say
Maybe we’re better off this way?
I’m not fine, I’m in pain
It’s harder everyday
Maybe we’re better off this way?
It’s better that we break
Saw you sitting all alone
You’re fragile and you’re cold, but that’s all right
Life these days is getting rough
They’ve knocked you down and beat you up
But it’s just a rollercoaster anyway, yeah
It’s not right, not OK
Say the words that you say
Maybe we’re better off this way?
I’m not fine, I’m in pain
It’s harder everyday
Maybe we’re better off this way?
I’m not fine, not OK
Say the words that you say
Maybe we’re better off this way?
I’m not fine, I’m in pain
It’s harder everyday
Maybe we’re better off this way?
It’s better that we break, baby
"'Negrohood'? Dude, you my man Touré's brutha from anutta mutta?"
From Big Government:
Democrat Ben Akselrod, a candidate for New York 45th Assembly seat,
sent out thousands of mailers to constituents forewarning about the
increase crime in the “Negrohood”:
I am running for Assembly because I believe the number one job of that
office is to keep the community safe. The current assemblyman has
allowed crime to go up over 50% in our negrohood so far this year. I am
fighting for video cameras throughout our community to protect our
seniors who are the most vulnerable; and cut down on anti-Semitic
attacks in our community. I will also make sure the mayor gives our
community more police to patrol our streets.
According to the latest Compstat report issued by the 61st
precinct and 60th precinct, which overlaps the 45th Assembly district,
crime has only gone up 43.7% and 6.9% respectively.
**********************************
Where's the outrage from Democrats?
Where's the pushback against the "War on African-Americans" rhetoric?
Brown Sugar - Rolling Stones
Gold coast slave ship bound for cotton fields
Sold in a market down in New Orleans
Scarred old slaver knows he's doing alright
Hear him with the women just around midnight
Brown sugar how come you taste so good?
Brown sugar just like a young girl should
Drums beating, cold English blood runs hot
Lady of the house wonderin' when it's gonna stop
House boy knows that he's doing alright
You shoulda heard him just around midnight
Brown sugar how come you taste so good, now?
Brown sugar just like a young girl should, now
Ah, get along, brown sugar how come you taste so good, baby?
Ah, got me feelin' now, brown sugar just like a black girl should
I bet your mama was a tent show queen
And all her boyfriends were sweet sixteen
I'm no schoolboy but I know what I like
You shoulda heard me just around midnight
Brown sugar how come you taste so good, baby?
Ah, brown sugar just like a young girl should, yeah
I said yeah, yeah, yeah, woo
How come you...how come you taste so good?
Yeah, yeah, yeah, woo
Just like a...just like a black girl should
Yeah, yeah, yeah, woo
My father married a pure Cherokee
My mother's people were ashamed of me
The indians said I was white by law
The White Man always called me "Indian Squaw"
Half-breed, that's all I ever heard
Half-breed, how I learned to hate the word
Half-breed, she's no good they warned
Both sides were against me since the day I was born
We never settled, went from town to town
When you're not welcome you don't hang around
The other children always laughed at me "Give her a feather, she's a Cherokee"
Half-breed, that's all I ever heard
Half-breed, how I learned to hate the word
Half-breed, she's no good they warned
Both sides were against me since the day I was born
We weren't accepted and I felt ashamed
Nineteen I left them, tell me who's to blame
My life since then has been from man to man
But I can't run away from what I am
Half-breed, that's all I ever heard
Half-breed, how I learned to hate the word
Half-breed, she's no good they warned
Both sides were against me since the day I was born
These are the days
These are days you’ll remember
Never before and never since, I promise
Will the whole world be warm as this
And as you feel it,
You’ll know it’s true
That you are blessed and lucky
It’s true that you
Are touched by something
That will grow and bloom in you
They may grow to be very different beasts, but these breathtaking images reveal how surprisingly similar the beginning of life can be for the animal kingdom.
Captured using
revolutionary four-dimensional scanning technology, scientists have
managed to shed light on the world of mammals inside the womb.
As diverse a bunch as they are - elephant, dog, dolphin and penguin are all shown united by their similar stages of development.
An Asian elephant foetus after 12 months in
the womb, catching some shut eye before she takes her first heavy steps
in the world in just under a year's time. The gestation period for an
elephant is 22 months
Paw-sing for thought: With tiny paws poised an
unborn puppy looks already set to pounce as he reaches his full
gestation period of around nine weeks
Say cheese: A baby dolphin seems to be smiling for the camera as he prepares for his big splash
Using
revolutionary four-dimensional scanning technology, scientists have
captured the images for a National Geographic Documentary called
'Extraordinary Animals in the Womb'.
They
were captured by using a combination of three-dimensional ultrasound
scans, computer graphics and small cameras to document the animals’
development from conception to birth, and give an unparalleled glimpse
into a world that few of us would ever expect to see.
The images were also used on a Channel 4 documentary 'Animals in the Womb'.
The documentary explores the marked similarities between very different animals.
Sleepy?: A dog foetus could be mistaken for a cat in these ground breaking images.
The animals - as diverse as they
are - strike remarkably similar poses in the womb
Snug as a bug: A penguin curls up in it's
mothers womb. The gestation period lasts about 63 days. The females
then lay the egg and pass it on to the male penguin while they go off to
feed.
Would the Left, especially animal rights activists, permit the abortions of the above up to an including when the heads of the animals were extending out of the mum's birth canal?
These Are Days - 10,000 Maniacs
These are the days
These are days you’ll remember
Never before and never since, I promise
Will the whole world be warm as this
And as you feel it,
You’ll know it’s true
That you are blessed and lucky
It’s true that you
Are touched by something
That will grow and bloom in you
These are days that you’ll remember
When May is rushing over you
With desire to be part of the miracles
You see in every hour
You’ll know it’s true
That you are blessed and lucky
It’s true that you are touched
By something that will grow and bloom in you
These are days
These are the days you might fill
With laughter until you break
These days you might feel
A shaft of light
Make its way across your face
And when you do
Then you’ll know how it was meant to be
See the signs and know their meaning
It's true
Then you’ll know how it was meant to be
Hear the signs and know they’re speaking
To you, to you